Achilles' Other Heel

Peter Clack Verified account @PeterDClack · Oct 17

When you peel back the layers of extreme worst-case scenarios, the picture becomes clear: we are witnessing an unprecedented transfer of wealth and sovereignty, designed to secure political control before the climate narrative bubble bursts.

Today, people everywhere face a carefully manicured double barrier: an energy agenda shrouded in dense scientific jargon, and a United Nations framework that is utterly opaque. Just voicing a valid common-sense concern has been effectively criminalised. The greatest weapon of this climate campaign is its deliberate complexity.

These same actors are quietly dismantling national sovereignty and replacing local democracy with a centralised, unaccountable regime. This is not just bureaucratic overreach; it is a psychological operation executed through calculated PR hits.

When the UN leadership deploys terms like 'global boiling,' it signals a shift from empirical debate to emotional blackmail. By anchoring public policy to extreme scenarios, the architects of this agenda aim to manufacture a permanent state of hyper-emergency.

Under the banner of saving the planet, a deeper political transformation is taking place. Behind the visible leadership of figures like António Guterres stands a vast, unelected apparatus - thousands of faceless bureaucrats embedded within the UN payroll. Beyond them lies an eager corporate sector, waiting to cash in on an energy transition projected to absorb $275 trillion.

This supranational network operates a form of ultra-socialism on a global scale. Socialism has become aligned to new globalism: controlling industrial policy, rationing energy access and demanding trillions in cross-border wealth redistribution - code for the UN-controlled carbon credits scheme.

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New York Energy Alliance Verified account @NYEnergyAllies · Oct 12

Every time a solar farm goes up on a field or a forest, someone says it should go on landfills, parking lots and rooftops instead. The argument is rarely about whether the solar should be built at all. That part is taken as given. Andrew Cuomo signed a target into law in 2019 while closing Indian Point, the target needs about 65 gigawatts of solar by 2050, and every fight is only about where to put it.

Working backwards from an extremely flawed policy for seven years has led New York to where it is now: and so we hunt for any surface that will hold a panel.

Landfills are one of the places where they end up being installed. Landfill arrays aren’t cheaper than field arrays: since 2019, NYSERDA’s own records put both at about $1.38 a watt. They aren’t faster either; both took close to three years from application to finished. Parking-lot canopies cost about double. Smaller rooftop and commercial projects cost about 55% more. Forest is the cheapest option, which is why the woods keep getting cleared.

The landfills that don’t pencil out never show up in the numbers at all. In New Paltz, the grid connection for a 2.6 MW array on the town landfill came in at $7.3 million, $2.81 a watt before a single panel. The town shelved it.

Even if every one had worked, it wouldn’t add up to much. Cornell’s study of every suitable closed landfill in the state puts the ceiling at about 5 gigawatts, under a tenth of the plan. At the 15% capacity factor New York’s landfill arrays actually ran last year, that’s less round-the-clock power than one large nuclear reactor. In January they ran at 3.6%.

The swirling debate between farmland, landfills, forests, rooftops and parking lots is a symptom of a failed idea. When policy starts from a deadline and warnings of disaster, every choice becomes a choice between bad options, a little more expensive or a lot.

Nobody asks whether this is the power New York can actually build a future with.

The question should be “what does a New York with abundant, reliable, affordable power look like, and what builds it?”

What power will run in January? What power is dense enough to sit on a few hundred acres instead of tens of thousands? What power cheap enough to bring factories back to life instead of pricing them out?

New York has built that kind of system once, at Niagara and on Lake Ontario, because people had a picture of the future they wanted to live in, not just one they were afraid of. It wasn't perfect, and some of it has lasted all the way to today.

Energy policy should start there. Solar may have a small place in it, where it makes sense on its own merits. It can be fun to charge your phone and run your refrigerator off of energy that came from the sun.

But that's not the basis for a policy that can determine the future of the entire state. A plan built on Malthusian dread will keep sending us to the landfills, the farms and the forests.

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Peter Clack Verified account @PeterDClack · Sep 20

Globalism was sold with a promise of prosperity. In reality, it was the greatest redistribution of wealth in human history.

Globalism meant Western factories closed, borders opened, and jobs relocated to wherever it was cheaper and convenient. The industrial worker in Vienna, the Ruhr region, or Ohio became unemployed or was pushed into low-wage service sector work.

At the same time, profits ballooned for the middlemen who produce nothing. Financial conglomerates, importers, logistics giants, tech platforms, and consultants have pocketed the margin between cheap production in Asia and expensive sales in the West.

The result is a super-rich global elite and a left-behind, indebted proletariat. The middle class—the backbone of every free society—was crushed. This represents the greatest surge in inequality in a century. Without globalism, China would never have risen.

The West gave China everything, including its 2001 admission to the WTO, even though China lacked a true market economy or rule-of-law system. It was a voluntary technology transfer: anyone who wanted to produce in China was forced to hand over their intellectual property.

The West looked the other way on forced labor, state subsidies, currency manipulation, and technology theft. Capital on a scale of trillions of dollars has been pumped directly into China.

The West dismantled its own industrial base and rebuilt it in China. The West financed a totalitarian surveillance state that now uses Western money to rearm, buy up strategic ports, monopolise raw materials, and exercise leverage over us.

China did not rise despite the West, but because the globalist West built it that way. Short-term profit was prioritised over national security, industrial sovereignty, and local workforce stability.

A rootless, stateless elite in New York, Brussels, Berlin, and Shanghai feels at home everywhere and takes responsibility nowhere. In its wake are stranded communities, stripped of industry and upward mobility, entirely dependent on supply chains controlled by a foreign power.

This was no mistake. It is how the system was designed to work.

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