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JD Vance went on national television last week and swore he has “not once seen evidence that Donald Trump has enriched himself.”
This statement is so patently and obviously absurd, it invokes this vibe:
Maybe JD got distracted by a couch he saw or was busy picking out a new brand of eyeliner, because the evidence is lying around Washington in piles taller than he is.
Senator Chris Murphy needed just 15 minutes before his kid’s hockey practice to rattle off the greatest hits, all of which we have covered in this presidential parade of pocket-stuffing.
His boss has executed more than 30,000 stock trades in office, with suspicious clusters landing right before his own policy announcements.
He pardoned the Binance founder right after Binance helped supercharge the Trump family’s crypto coin.
Somebody bet billions on oil minutes before Trump’s Iran reversal, and when CFTC staff tried to investigate, a Trump appointee smothered it.
He cut a Kazakhstan minerals deal his own sons stand to profit from and then blessed it with $1.6 billion in taxpayer financing.
He bought Nvidia stock shortly before lifting the export restrictions that sent it climbing.
He even made a few bucks when his political merch got hawked at Fort Bragg to soldiers whose commander in chief was selling it.
And that’s not even a fraction of the grifts we’ve covered.
“I’ve seen no evidence” should be impossible for any politician to say with a straight face.
The insult isn’t so much the blatant lying. It’s that Vance thinks you’re dumb enough to buy it.
Two thirds of voters already say Trump is enriching himself in office, and corruption has become the top issue heading into this election.
We’re building the trackers that tie every Trump grift and dirty dollar to the politicians protecting the racket.
This statement is so patently and obviously absurd, it invokes this vibe:
Maybe JD got distracted by a couch he saw or was busy picking out a new brand of eyeliner, because the evidence is lying around Washington in piles taller than he is.
Senator Chris Murphy needed just 15 minutes before his kid’s hockey practice to rattle off the greatest hits, all of which we have covered in this presidential parade of pocket-stuffing.
His boss has executed more than 30,000 stock trades in office, with suspicious clusters landing right before his own policy announcements.
He pardoned the Binance founder right after Binance helped supercharge the Trump family’s crypto coin.
Somebody bet billions on oil minutes before Trump’s Iran reversal, and when CFTC staff tried to investigate, a Trump appointee smothered it.
He cut a Kazakhstan minerals deal his own sons stand to profit from and then blessed it with $1.6 billion in taxpayer financing.
He bought Nvidia stock shortly before lifting the export restrictions that sent it climbing.
He even made a few bucks when his political merch got hawked at Fort Bragg to soldiers whose commander in chief was selling it.
And that’s not even a fraction of the grifts we’ve covered.
“I’ve seen no evidence” should be impossible for any politician to say with a straight face.
The insult isn’t so much the blatant lying. It’s that Vance thinks you’re dumb enough to buy it.
Two thirds of voters already say Trump is enriching himself in office, and corruption has become the top issue heading into this election.
We’re building the trackers that tie every Trump grift and dirty dollar to the politicians protecting the racket.
Anna Paulina Luna has spent four years in Congress telling anyone with a camera that she’s a patriot and a maverick.
Her legislative legacy so far includes a bill to carve Trump’s face into Mount Rushmore, a press conference announcing that Russia was handing her the secret JFK files, a promise to reveal technology of “nonhuman origin,” and a conspiracy-fueled hearing on who’s been modifying the weather.
This week we learned that underneath the thick layers of her tinfoil hat she’s another garden-variety grifter like every other barnacle on Trump’s hull.
Last year Luna grandstanded for a bill banning members of Congress from profiting off their seats.
She proudly declared that Americans deserve a Congress that works for them and “not for special interests or personal portfolios.”
Her own disclosure from that period listed her husband’s 10% stake in a drone startup called Nokturnal AI as worth no more than $1,000.
A few weeks after she filed it, the Pentagon contracts started rolling in.
First a small Air Force order.
Then $9.2 million through a defense consortium.
Then $28 million for attack drones – paid through a program Luna personally voted to fund with $400 million.
That’s $37 million in federal money flowing into her household’s company in under a year.
And because the company is private, the very reform she was grandstanding about wouldn’t have touched her stake anyway.
The woman wrote herself an alibi before committing the grift.
We have to drag every congressional family business like this one into the daylight.
Being in Trump’s orbit works like any crime syndicate, where loyalty gets repaid with a taste of the action.
Don Jr. got his $620 million Pentagon loan.
Kushner got his Gulf billions.
Now the backbench loyalists and MAGA cranks are lining up at the trough for their cut, too.
Her legislative legacy so far includes a bill to carve Trump’s face into Mount Rushmore, a press conference announcing that Russia was handing her the secret JFK files, a promise to reveal technology of “nonhuman origin,” and a conspiracy-fueled hearing on who’s been modifying the weather.
This week we learned that underneath the thick layers of her tinfoil hat she’s another garden-variety grifter like every other barnacle on Trump’s hull.
Last year Luna grandstanded for a bill banning members of Congress from profiting off their seats.
She proudly declared that Americans deserve a Congress that works for them and “not for special interests or personal portfolios.”
Her own disclosure from that period listed her husband’s 10% stake in a drone startup called Nokturnal AI as worth no more than $1,000.
A few weeks after she filed it, the Pentagon contracts started rolling in.
First a small Air Force order.
Then $9.2 million through a defense consortium.
Then $28 million for attack drones – paid through a program Luna personally voted to fund with $400 million.
That’s $37 million in federal money flowing into her household’s company in under a year.
And because the company is private, the very reform she was grandstanding about wouldn’t have touched her stake anyway.
The woman wrote herself an alibi before committing the grift.
We have to drag every congressional family business like this one into the daylight.
Being in Trump’s orbit works like any crime syndicate, where loyalty gets repaid with a taste of the action.
Don Jr. got his $620 million Pentagon loan.
Kushner got his Gulf billions.
Now the backbench loyalists and MAGA cranks are lining up at the trough for their cut, too.
Fifteen minutes before Trump announced he wouldn’t bomb Iranian power plants after all, somebody placed hundreds of millions of dollars in bets that the price of oil was about to drop.
Trump posted, oil dropped, and that somebody got very rich in just minutes.
Baffling you with acronyms is how this administration hides crimes like this, so we’re going to translate every bit of it.
The CFTC is the federal referee for these commodity markets, the agency whose entire job is catching rigged bets like this one.
Its career analysts saw the March trade, saw another $950 million in perfectly timed bets land hours before the April ceasefire announcement, and did their job by referring it all for an insider trading investigation.
Then a senior adviser to the agency’s Trump-appointed chairman ordered the staff to retract the referral. He took over the examination personally.
By July, the supervisor who got that order was gone from the agency.
That’s not just the crime anymore. That’s the cover-up, running in broad daylight, at the agency built to catch the crime.
Trump has made 28,700 stock trades since taking office, more than every member of Congress combined.
Now the one agency sniffing around the biggest bets of his presidency just had its leash yanked.
Whoever placed that oil money knew what the president would say before you did, and the government has decided you don’t get to find out who.
We disagree.
Trump posted, oil dropped, and that somebody got very rich in just minutes.
Baffling you with acronyms is how this administration hides crimes like this, so we’re going to translate every bit of it.
The CFTC is the federal referee for these commodity markets, the agency whose entire job is catching rigged bets like this one.
Its career analysts saw the March trade, saw another $950 million in perfectly timed bets land hours before the April ceasefire announcement, and did their job by referring it all for an insider trading investigation.
Then a senior adviser to the agency’s Trump-appointed chairman ordered the staff to retract the referral. He took over the examination personally.
By July, the supervisor who got that order was gone from the agency.
That’s not just the crime anymore. That’s the cover-up, running in broad daylight, at the agency built to catch the crime.
Trump has made 28,700 stock trades since taking office, more than every member of Congress combined.
Now the one agency sniffing around the biggest bets of his presidency just had its leash yanked.
Whoever placed that oil money knew what the president would say before you did, and the government has decided you don’t get to find out who.
We disagree.
A few months back we told you about Kirsten Gillibrand’s 22-year-old son raising $30 million from crypto investors.
That haul included one of mommy’s own donors while mommy conveniently wrote the industry’s wish list into law.
But if you thought she was shilling for the crypto bros just so her failson could get rich quick, don’t worry.
She’s hard at work proving she’ll sell out the whole country for anybody in her orbit.
New York Magazine just published the full portrait, and it’s a grifting landfill.
Her communications director bought bitcoin and ether one week before Gillibrand announced the bill putting both under friendlier regulation.
Her chief of staff leaned on other Democratic aides to back her crypto bill while reminding them that his boss runs the Senate Democrats’ campaign money.
Nothing menacing about the party’s chief fundraiser’s office checking in on your vote, surely.
Asked whether staff trading crypto while she writes crypto law bothers her, Gillibrand responded, “I could care less what they do with their money. This is not a nanny state.”
A sitting senator, someone duly elected to protect New Yorkers from fraud, just waved off insider trading in her own office as a lifestyle choice.
That's why we are building the tool to track every politician in both parties who treats public office as a family brokerage account.
Gillibrand’s signature bill would shove crypto oversight away from the SEC and over to the CFTC, a chronically underfunded agency run by a former crypto industry lawyer.
That’s the same CFTC we wrote you about days ago, the one whose leadership just buried its own investigation into suspiciously timed oil trades.
That’s the self-dealing outfit she wants in charge of crypto.
An agency that just proved it will shred its own casework when the right people get nervous.
And crypto is only her latest patron.
When AIPAC needed defending, she lobbed Islamophobic smears at Zohran Mamdani so ugly she had to apologize.
Now that crypto needs defending, she’s calling critics of a scam industry “uneducated.”
The clients change and the shamelessness doesn’t.
The crypto industry bought itself a favorite Democrat and we’re cataloging the purchase.
That haul included one of mommy’s own donors while mommy conveniently wrote the industry’s wish list into law.
But if you thought she was shilling for the crypto bros just so her failson could get rich quick, don’t worry.
She’s hard at work proving she’ll sell out the whole country for anybody in her orbit.
New York Magazine just published the full portrait, and it’s a grifting landfill.
Her communications director bought bitcoin and ether one week before Gillibrand announced the bill putting both under friendlier regulation.
Her chief of staff leaned on other Democratic aides to back her crypto bill while reminding them that his boss runs the Senate Democrats’ campaign money.
Nothing menacing about the party’s chief fundraiser’s office checking in on your vote, surely.
Asked whether staff trading crypto while she writes crypto law bothers her, Gillibrand responded, “I could care less what they do with their money. This is not a nanny state.”
A sitting senator, someone duly elected to protect New Yorkers from fraud, just waved off insider trading in her own office as a lifestyle choice.
That's why we are building the tool to track every politician in both parties who treats public office as a family brokerage account.
Gillibrand’s signature bill would shove crypto oversight away from the SEC and over to the CFTC, a chronically underfunded agency run by a former crypto industry lawyer.
That’s the same CFTC we wrote you about days ago, the one whose leadership just buried its own investigation into suspiciously timed oil trades.
That’s the self-dealing outfit she wants in charge of crypto.
An agency that just proved it will shred its own casework when the right people get nervous.
And crypto is only her latest patron.
When AIPAC needed defending, she lobbed Islamophobic smears at Zohran Mamdani so ugly she had to apologize.
Now that crypto needs defending, she’s calling critics of a scam industry “uneducated.”
The clients change and the shamelessness doesn’t.
The crypto industry bought itself a favorite Democrat and we’re cataloging the purchase.
